Kenya’s National Assembly has approved the deployment of 1,000 police officers to assist in suppressing gang violence in Haiti. This decision, expected to be ratified by the Senate, follows the UN Security Council’s authorization of a Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission to the Caribbean nation. This authorization comes a month and a half after gangs gained control over 80% of Port-au-Prince and significant areas of the Artibonite department.

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However, Kenyan President William Ruto’s commitment to sending police to Haiti has encountered difficulties in garnering support. Opposition politicians filed a lawsuit, contending that the deployment violated the constitution. Consequently, the high court temporarily halted the involvement of Kenyan police in the mission.

Before granting approval for the deployment, lawmakers raised concerns. Cabinet Secretary Kithure Kindiki was tasked with addressing seven key points. These included establishing an insurance package for the deployed officers, ensuring that taxpayers’ money wouldn’t fund the mission, and considering the potential reduction of the deployed officers to 500 after a certain period.

Public apprehensions vary, ranging from concerns about the safety of the officers to skepticism regarding sending police abroad when critical security issues persist in the country. The timing and certainty of the force’s deployment remain uncertain due to the pending ruling of the high court. The hearing, initially set for an earlier date, has been postponed to January 26, 2024.

For more insights into the multinational force intended for Haiti, explore this story featuring the perspectives of Haitian citizens affected by gang violence, a Q&A session with human rights advocate Pierre Espérance, and an analysis detailing the risks associated with a new foreign intervention in Haiti.

“The idea of deploying an international force to Haiti to suppress rampant gang violence has been gaining momentum. Kenya sent a team to Port-au-Prince to assess the potential leadership of a mission, while the United States, top UN officials, and Caribbean nations have shown support.

However, opposition remains strong, as many Haitians fear outside interference due to past damaging experiences. Some perceive the intervention as primarily supporting a corrupt elite rather than effectively addressing violence and the dire humanitarian situation.

During the recent visit of a Kenyan delegation to Haiti to consider leading a UN-backed security force, numerous questions persisted about its specific mandate, the nations contributing personnel, and the expected duration of deployment.

Speculation about a draft UN resolution authorizing the mission and a potential Security Council vote by September 15th has prompted this briefing. Its purpose is to delve into the origins of the intervention idea, existing concerns, and potential future actions.

Why was foreign intervention suggested?

Gang violence has plagued Haiti for decades, intensifying after the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021. Presently, 150 to 200 gangs control significant portions of Port-au-Prince, crucial infrastructure, and key roads around the capital.

The UN reported over 2,400 deaths and nearly 1,000 kidnappings between January 1st and August 15th alone this year. Women and girls face recurring assaults. The violence has displaced over 200,000 people, extending beyond the capital.

Last October, Haiti’s de facto prime minister, Ariel Henry, initially called for foreign intervention. While the United States supported this call to restore security for holding new elections, it declined to lead the mission, likely due to distrust among Haitians stemming from historical meddling by the US and former colonial powers like France.

Despite initial support from UN chief António Guterres for a “rapid action force” to restore order, the international debate stagnated until Kenya unexpectedly volunteered in August to deploy 1,000 police officers to combat gangs, potentially leading the mission. Jamaica and the Bahamas also offered personnel.

What do critics argue?

Opposition primarily revolves around two concerns: Is Haiti ready for another foreign intervention following the controversial departure of the MINUSTAH mission in 2017? Even if prepared, is Kenya suitable to lead?

MINUSTAH’s 13-year presence faced allegations of abuse, including introducing cholera, which claimed thousands of lives after the 2010 earthquake. Amnesty International highlighted recent criticisms against Kenyan police and urged a thorough human rights review before deployment.

Language and cultural barriers further complicate matters, as some doubt the effectiveness of a Kenyan-led force unable to communicate in French or Kreyol, Haiti’s primary languages.

However, UN expert William O’Neill, advocating for intervention, downplayed these concerns, emphasizing the need for vetted officers with expertise in intelligence and hostage rescue.

What mandate could it have?

The recent visit by Kenya’s security assessment team to Port-au-Prince did little to allay worries about the mission’s specifics. Uncertainty persists about its mode of operation, rules of engagement, and functionality.

Reports suggest the mission might resemble a “static protection force,” safeguarding crucial infrastructure rather than engaging in offensive operations against gangs. This approach aims to give the overwhelmed Haitian police more flexibility to confront gangs by securing critical locations.

Ambassador George Orina, after visiting Haiti, advocated for an operational offensive force to address the gang issue, although no official confirmation has been made. Haiti’s Ministry of Communication clarified that the force wouldn’t replace but assist the National Police, whose numbers have dwindled due to violence and desertion.

What do Haitians desire?

Haitian opinions on foreign intervention vary. While some prefer a Haitian-led solution, many express frustration with the escalating violence and feel abandoned since President Moïse’s assassination.

A survey revealed 69% support for intervention, though certain influential groups advocate for a locally driven resolution.

Amid rising violence and displacement, residents of Port-au-Prince generally seem open to international assistance due to the prevalent security vacuum.

What impact might it have on humanitarian aid?

The recent surge in violence and displacement in Haiti underscores the urgent need for aid. However, NGOs worry that a poorly executed international intervention could exacerbate difficulties, hindering their access to affected populations.

The success of humanitarian efforts could hinge on how the gangs respond to the intervention. There’s uncertainty about collaboration between the UN force and NGOs, raising concerns about adhering to humanitarian principles.

What else needs consideration?

Most agree that an international force alone won’t suffice without addressing deeper issues in Haiti. Strengthening institutions, political negotiations, rights enforcement, and anti-corruption measures are essential.

Developing youth policies and employment opportunities is crucial to address the root causes prompting young people to join gangs.

In parallel, CARICOM aims to facilitate a political agreement among rival Haitian parties before any foreign intervention. Critics stress that deploying foreign forces without addressing Haiti’s structural and governance issues could worsen the situation.

In summary, while the prospect of foreign intervention in Haiti to tackle gang violence has gained traction, concerns persist regarding its execution, cultural suitability, humanitarian impact, and long-term effectiveness.”